The trial of Joseph G.

 

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This article demonstrates that long before Criminal Clinton chose her, Janet Reno was involved in some of the most legally destructive and criminal abuse of innocent people in America. Her record demonstrates that Clinton chose her because he wanted someone as corrupt as he was to protect him from the crimes he knew he would soon commit.

By JOHN MacGREGOR
Wednesday 25 April 2001

By late 1992 he knew it was over. Pouring a friend a late-night Scotch in his luxury Florida home, Joe Gersten gestured around him. "All this is gone," he said.

As county commissioner, Gersten was the dominant politician in Dade County, the largest regional government area in south-eastern US. He oversaw a $US3 billion ($A1.5 billion) budget, and knew past, present and future US presidents.

But now the Florida media said he'd been caught in a crack den sex orgy, smoking cocaine with four prostitutes and career criminals. Allegedly, after the April 29 orgy, the criminals had been arrested driving his car. Gersten's claim that the car was stolen from his driveway, while he slept alone inside his house, was disbelieved.

Since Gersten moved to Australia in 1993, claiming refugee status on grounds of political persecution, this small, tawdry scandal has led to a nine-year saga in the US and Australian courts, and media. It has involved hostile prosecutors, impassioned defences, and recently surfacing evidence of a conspiracy to frame Gersten for murder. It has also enmeshed Bill Clinton's Attorney-General, Janet Reno.

Later this year, a NSW Supreme Court judge will rule on Gersten v. NSW Law Society. Over the society's opposition, Gersten is seeking to continue to practise law in NSW.

At 53, Joe Gersten is bald and a little spherical, with a level gaze that has stared down some of America's meanest prosecutors and most hostile reporters. His accent echoes of Mickey Rourke, though the boisterous shirt, which scarcely arrests an impressive mid-section, is pure South Florida.

The enmity between Gersten and fellow Democrat Janet Reno, who in 1992 was the Dade region's state attorney, goes back to the 1970s. As a powerful reformist senator, Gersten had fought what he saw as Reno's more "reactionary" legislative ideas. He'd proposed a law creating a statewide prosecutor, meaning that for the first time Reno would have had someone looking over her shoulder.

Reno wasn't Gersten's only enemy: he and The Miami Herald were often at loggerheads. When Gersten "downzoned" a high-rise development to two storeys, the paper ran a headline: "FOR SHAME, MR GERSTEN." Gersten promptly bought a full-page ad in the paper defending the downzoning, headed: "FOR SHAME, MIAMI HERALD. EVEN IN SOVIET RUSSIA THEY'VE STOPPED REWRITING HISTORY."

Then, in April 1992, Gersten reported the car theft. Immediately Reno began two investigations: one into the theft, one into sex, drugs and Gersten. Six months of lurid headlines followed.

No Gersten fingerprints were found at the "crack den". Hair analysis, the nation's state-of-the-art drug-testing technology, showed he'd not consumed cocaine.

Still, the primary witnesses - described in The Miami Herald as a crack-smoking streetwalker, a small-time dope dealer who killed someone 16 years earlier, another hooker with drug convictions and a man who was kicked out of the army for drug use - kept talking. Gersten was warned that if his answers on how his car was stolen contradicted theirs, he'd be charged with perjury.

So Gersten refused to answer questions. Ultimately, he was held in "civil contempt", and sent to Dade County Jail for three weeks - the only time in Florida history, according to a state attorney's office official, that the victim of a car theft had been jailed. Gersten knew the jailhouse well: a plaque stated it had been built through the efforts of, among others, Commissioner Joseph Gersten. Gersten's claim that the investigation was a Reno vendetta was greeted with widespread hilarity. In the March 1993 county elections, he lost office. Later that year, while on holiday in Australia, he also lost his key legal battle against the contempt order. He faced indefinite further jail, without charge or trial, if he went home. So he stayed in Australia, seeking refugee status, claiming he'd been "purged from office by my long-time political enemy, US Attorney-General Janet Reno". He first lived in Melbourne then moved to Sydney in 1996. Though far from Florida, he still crops up regularly in The Miami Herald - compared to a yeti, Elvis, and less savory things.

These days Gersten co-rents a modest flat in Cremorne, on Sydney's north shore. The luxury home, the Mercedes and the private plane have gone. So has the $US1.2 million in assets he'd amassed as a top-shelf lawyer. After the scandal, his banks called in their loans, and his fiancee broke off their engagement. Most of his friends and family cut links. "My brother, an appellate judge, moved his family 400 miles away. He didn't want his children to see their uncle humiliated on TV every night."

In Australia, Gersten's death-by-media developed a macabre afterlife. In 1998 he was followed around Sydney by Richard Carleton and 60 Minutes camera crews. According to Gersten, Carleton asked him: "Don't you want to apologise to the people of Australia?"

Reno now controlled the US Justice Department and the FBI. Gersten had long thought the FBI was behind moves against him by the Immigration Department - which opposed his claims for residency - and the NSW Law Society. But proof was hard to find.

Then a minor bureaucrat made a major error. Last year, during one of Gersten's innumerable legal battles, a Federal Court clerk mistakenly handed his legal team some of the Australian Government's files.

They were a bombshell. The "X Files", as they're now known in Sydney legal circles, revealed broad interference, emanating from Reno's Justice Department, and the FBI, in Gersten's attempts to obtain Australian residency and practise law. The information "chain" of documents and phone calls went from the FBI to the US embassy in Canberra, then to the Australian Federal Police.

It was then disseminated to the Immigration Department, DFAT and the Law Society.

The FBI had broadcast that Gersten was involved in "corrupt activities", had an outstanding "warrant", and was a "fugitive from justice". Gersten says that when he read the X Files he was "physically sick for over a week". This month, and a day after The Age's inquiries, the FBI wrote to Gersten's Florida lawyer, acknowledging that these allegations were untrue.

From 1996, Gersten had done pro bono legal work for Jose Ramos Horta. He'd become friends with East Timor activist Andrew McNaughtan, a Sydney doctor and long-term human rights activist. McNaughtan was intrigued - but Gersten's story sounded far-fetched.

But the more McNaughtan looked into the affair, the more he was persuaded Gersten was telling the truth.

In May last year, McNaughtan boarded a plane for Washington. There he met Republican Congressman Dan Burton, chairman of the powerful House Committee on Government Reform. The committee began an investigation into the Gersten saga. And the X Files were placed on the Congressional Record, just ahead of an Australian Federal Court order to return them, from an annoyed Justice Whitlam.

Last August, Gersten received another treasure trove. His Florida lawyer finally got the "sex-drugs" files opened. They showed unequivocally that Gersten had not been in the crack den in April, 1992. And, furthermore, that the State Attorney's Office must have known this. Reno had personally involved herself in the case.

The files contain an array of mutually exclusive witness statements, and evidence that exonerates Gersten. But the shocker was a file in which a witness had tried to implicate Gersten in the murder of Greg Wellons, a transvestite. The "witness" had quickly broken down, confessing that prostitute Lisa McCann, the key "crack den" witness, had promised him FBI money to tell the story.

The attorney's office had concealed the murder report - which would have destroyed McCann's credibility, and sunk the state's case. $400 of FBI money had been paid to McCann.

The murder report was kept secret for eight years. By the time the House Committee obtained the Gersten files from the State Attorney's Office, it had disappeared. McNaughtan says the report is "clear evidence of another crime - of framing Gersten for murder - which the State Attorney's Office never acted on".

Since 1993, the attorney's office has been run by Reno's protege, Katherine Rundle, who was also part of the 1992-93 Gersten investigation. An official, Ed Griffith, put The Age's questions to Rundle.

Griffith acknowledged that "there were discussions about the Greg Wellons homicide". But he questioned the right of Gersten's lawyers to see the murder report, as it could damage the integrity of "an ongoing investigation". Griffith's statement is highly significant, as it reverses the office's long-standing denials (including one under oath) of knowledge of the murder report.

The Age asked Griffith why the Gersten investigation continued after hair tests showed he'd not consumed cocaine.

"Joe decided to go to Europe on a vacation," Griffith said. "And he made sure he had a haircut ... The test wasn't indicative of the time period involved. The test was relevant to the time period that Joe was in Europe."

But an affidavit, by the office's own chief "Gersten" investigator, shows that, at the time of the hair test, Gersten had 3.8 centimetres of hair - easily enough to detect cocaine from the "crack den" incident. His (uncut) pubic and underarm hair were also tested. He had not had a haircut.

One of the three senior "Gersten" prosecutors was Richard Gregorie - the man who in 1988 indicted Panama dictator General Noriega for international drug trafficking.

The Age asked Gregorie why such a heavyweight prosecutor as he was assigned to a couple of sex-drugs misdemeanors.

"I don't think it was a matter of minor charges. A high-profile politician was involved. His car had legal records in it. Someone needs to ... see what the car thieves are doing with them, etcetera."

McNaughtan responds: "Gregorie was precluded by law from investigating the car theft case, and had no role in investigating potential blackmail - related to Gersten's papers or anything else."

Gregorie also said Gersten jumped bail when he left the US. Yet a Florida appellate court order confirms that Gersten was not on bail, and had no travel restrictions. Finally, Gregorie denied any knowledge of the murder report. However, The Age has a document from his office that verifies his possession of it.

In 1993 an FBI probe seized files from Gersten's office. This investigation was closed in 1996, finding no evidence of wrongdoing by Gersten.

That didn't seem to deter the FBI. In December 1997 an FBI agent at the US embassy in Canberra sent the Australian Federal Police a report containing fabricated information on Gersten. The report had been supplied to the embassy by Sydney private investigator (and former Floridian) Langdon Rogers, who has since died.

The Age has learned, from a former close friend of Rogers, that Rogers claimed to have been an ex-employee of the Central Intelligence Agency. The friend says he observed Rogers being periodically debriefed by visiting CIA agents.

A spokesman for the US embassy acknowledges receiving some unsolicited material on Gersten from Rogers. But he said the embassy had "no knowledge" of the "alleged" report.

The Age has a copy of the report. So does the House Committee in Washington, which has interviewed the FBI agent concerned as to why she sent it to the Australian Federal Police.

Last year, Reno herself was summoned before the House Committee over the Gersten affair.

The committee's report, published two weeks ago concluded that it appeared "someone was involved in an effort to frame Gersten for crimes he did not commit", and that "the vast power of the state was used to destroy him". The report criticises the misinformation passed on to Australian authorities. It recommends a Justice Department investigation into the whole matter.

Gersten's foes point out that the committee is Republican-dominated and its chairman, Dan Burton, is a long-time critic of Reno, having investigated her for eight years over the Waco killings and a host of other matters.

Still, all the revelations to date paint Gersten as "clean". This raises serious questions about the actions of the Australian Federal Police, who passed on FBI misinformation about him to two government departments and the law society. The AFP was warned by Gersten's lawyers in 1998 that the FBI "information" could be disproved. The AFP declined numerous requests for comment by The Age.

Why does Gersten think all this happened? "All the suspects put the knives in for their own reasons. Reno because of her old obsession with me. Rundle because she inherited it from Reno, and couldn't get rid of it. The media in general because - well, who in the media can resist sex, drugs and politics?"

Gersten now wants the Australian authorities to take a second look at his case. "I've spent eight years fighting to make a life for myself in Australia - a country I've come to call home. The only respite I've had is when I've been asleep - and sometimes not even then. Maybe now I can climb off the pages of a Kafka novel, and have my life back."

Copyright © The Age Company Ltd 2001.

And another article on Criminal Clinton's
grantor of Absolute Power and her abuse of an American.

Thursday, April 26, 2001
YOUR GOVERNMENT AT WORK
House report exonerates Florida politician
Committee says 'the vast power of the state was used to destroy him'

By Jon Dougherty
© 2001 WorldNetDaily.com

A little-noticed report released this month by the House Government Reform Committee has exonerated a local Florida politician whose career was ruined after false charges were made by federal, state and local officials.

The April 10 report said that the Miami State Attorney's Office and the Federal Bureau of Investigation conducted an investigation of allegations that Dade County Commissioner Joseph Gersten had consorted with prostitutes, smoked crack cocaine and filed a false police report.

But after a review of the charges, available evidence, actions and statements of officials involved in the Gersten case, the House committee concluded that "at a minimum, individuals participated in a conspiracy to make allegations that they knew to be false.

"It also appears that government officials failed to develop and disclose evidence that was obviously exculpatory," the committee report said. "The use of government authority to conduct an examination that purposefully ignores relevant information offends notions of fundamental fairness and should not be tolerated.

"After reviewing the known facts, I believe that appropriate federal and state law enforcement authorities should conduct a thorough, independent investigation to determine whether prosecutorial powers were improperly used against Mr. Gersten," Rep. Dan Burton, R-Ind., the committee's chairman, said in a statement.

The committee also found evidence that state and federal continue to "rely on, and perpetuate, obviously suspect allegations" against Gersten, "to his detriment."

"Based on available information, the Committee finds that state and federal law enforcement officials acted in a way that indicates extreme bad faith in their investigations of Joseph Gersten," the report said. "It appears, as new facts emerge, that the vast power of the state was used to destroy him."

False charges

By 1992, Gersten had already served terms in the Florida House and Senate as a Democrat. He ran unsuccessfully for Florida attorney general, but he had successfully run to become a Dade County commissioner.

He also had taken preliminary steps to announce his candidacy to become mayor of Dade County.

As a prominent politician, Gersten attracted a great deal of media attention and scrutiny. After announcing his mayoral candidacy, allegations surfaced that he had abused his position as county commissioner "to benefit from illegal bond transactions," the committee report said.

"Indeed, the Federal Bureau of Investigation had commenced an investigation of allegations that Gersten had participated in illegal bond deals, and had specifically looked into allegations that he had been involved in illegal financial transactions with, among others, former Atlanta Mayor Maynard Jackson," said the report.

The FBI investigation was extensive; phone taps were requested and granted, and informants wore wires during conversations with Gersten to enable FBI investigators to record any information he divulged that would link him to the bond allegations.

However, Burton's committee said, the FBI never developed any evidence linking Gersten to illegal bond activities.

"It is particularly significant to note that in an interview conducted on Jan. 12, 2001, the FBI's chief investigator on the Gersten case told the Committee that some of those who had made allegations against Gersten had themselves been subsequently indicted," the report said.

Because some persons who had initially made the allegations against Gersten regarding bond activities were eventually indicted, "this raises some doubt as to the reliability of their allegations," said the committee report.

Other charges eventually surfaced, as well.

On April 29, 1992, the report said, Gersten told the police that his car had been stolen from the driveway in front of his house.

"The following day, his car was recovered. The individuals apprehended when the car was located told a story markedly different than that which had been offered by Gersten. Simply put, they explained that the car had been taken while Gersten was smoking crack cocaine and consorting with prostitutes," said the report.

Within a few days, Gersten left for France to attend the Cannes Film Festival -- a trip he had previously planned. He was scheduled to be gone for two weeks.

During that period of time, press reports began to echo the charges and, "on the advice of counsel," the report said, Gersten extended his trip by another two weeks. By the time he returned to Miami, there was already a widely held belief that he had done what he had been accused of doing.

"At the insistence of prosecutors, a follicle test was conducted to prove that Gersten had been using cocaine on the evening of April 29, 1992," the report said. "Although the test came back negative, and it was clear that Gersten could not have done a significant part of what his accusers claimed, the government continued to investigate the allegations that Gersten was involved in illegal conduct."

The government, said the report, also claimed it was investigating the theft of Gersten's car, "although records produced to the Committee support the conclusion that this 'investigation' was merely a pretext to obtain statements from Gersten that would permit an indictment for perjury."

On the advice of counsel, Gersten refused to cooperate with the investigation of his car because he and his counsel had concluded that the investigation was going forward on bad faith, "and that the ultimate goal of the prosecutors was not to convict the car thieves, but to destroy Gersten personally and professionally," said the report.

"The sex and drugs allegations were so inconsistent, and the witnesses so weak, that there appeared to be little likelihood that a case could be advanced," said the committee report. "However, there was a real concern that the State Attorney's Office would indict Gersten for perjury if he did not agree with the version of events offered by those who had originated the sex and drugs allegations. …"

As a result of his refusal to cooperate fully in the investigation of his car theft, prosecutors in the State Attorney's Office sought to have him held in contempt of court.

"On March 15, 1993, the day before the election to determine who would sit on the Dade County Commission, the Fourth District Court of Appeals refused to hear Gersten's appeal of a lower court order that he answer prosecutors' questions," the report said.

"On Election Day, the headline of The Miami Herald newspaper read, 'State Gets Go-Ahead to Quiz Gersten.' Gersten ultimately was found to be in contempt of court, and he served almost three weeks in jail," said the report.

He was released April 12, 1993, remained for another five months in the United States, and then left the country in September of 1993. Currently, he resides in Australia.

The report noted that had government officials made a good-faith effort to consider exculpatory material in the Gersten case, "the Committee would not have considered issuing a report about this matter."

However, the committee's investigation discovered that "there are so many indications of unfair -- and possibly corrupt -- practices by state and federal government officials that the Committee believes it important to provide a public explanation of events."

Some key information was found to have been kept from the public, the committee found, as well as from some government investigators.

"Indeed, one of the most important matters was deliberately kept from Gersten and his lawyers. Furthermore, it appears that there was even an effort to keep the most significant matter from this Committee," the report said.

"The principal concern of the Committee is the appearance that government officials were engaged in a headlong rush to destroy Gersten, and that they did so knowing that they were using the sex and drugs allegations as a means to achieve that end," said the report. "In addition, it appears that government officials also purposefully ignored clear-cut evidence of a crime that, if pursued, might have undercut their rationale for investigating Gersten."

The sex and drugs story was initially derived from the testimony of two female prostitutes, Lisa McCann and Claudia Lira, as well as a male friend of theirs, Robert Maldonado, and a pimp, Kenneth Keswick.

"There were numerous reasons to question the reliability of the witnesses, even if one did not factor in their professional backgrounds," said the report, noting that Keswick and Lira "were, at the time of the allegation, wanted for kidnapping and armed robbery."

Also, Keswick had been dishonorably discharged from the military, and Lira had at least 16 convictions for drug possession, prostitution and theft, the report said.

Meanwhile, the committee found that McCann had 18 convictions for prostitution, possession of cocaine and other crimes; Maldonado had been convicted of manslaughter in New York, served nine years in prison and then skipped parole.

And, "the witnesses' stories were fatally inconsistent," said the report, adding that Keswick offered to change his testimony for a cash payment of $10,000.

Finally, the committee found that the stories were told after Keswick and Lira had been apprehended for stealing Gersten's automobile.

The committee also found that McCann offered an individual money to make the false allegation that Gersten had murdered a transvestite on the same night as the alleged sex and drugs activity.

According to FBI Special Agent Michael Bonner, he did not learn of this fact until January 12, 2001, when the Committee interviewed him. He also indicated that this information would have been important for him to have had at the time of the investigation.

Bonner, during the Gersten investigations, had deemed McCann one of the two most credible and reliable witnesses the government had.

The committee also found that Gersten and his attorneys were never informed of this information.

"Why did state and federal law enforcement officers fail to conduct a thorough investigation of the false murder allegation against Gersten, and why was nobody prosecuted for making a false report to the police?" the report said. "There is not a single indication in the State Attorney's Office Gersten file that an inquiry into the false allegation was made. From the records produced to the Committee, there is no discernible good faith reason for the failure to investigate this matter. Indeed, it does not even appear that Lisa McCann was asked about her role in attempting to frame Gersten for murder."

The committee, in its report, also questioned why the FBI gave McCann money "after she suborned the false murder allegation," and asked why local law enforcement failed to point out that payments to McCann might be inappropriate given the circumstances.

Other exculpatory evidence

A number of other pieces of evidence also led the committee to conclude that the charges against Gersten were bogus.

For instance, the committee said, Gersten -- after being accused of smoking crack in front of four witnesses -- tested negative for the drug.

"Given the high degree of accuracy of this test, the eyewitness accounts were significantly discredited. Even the Dade County chief toxicologist recognized that, because of the negative test results, 'essentially, [Gersten] has been exonerated,'" the report said.

Also, after the sex and drugs encounter was described to investigators, the site was examined for forensic evidence on May 8, 1992. No evidence of Gersten's physical presence was found.

And, less than one month after he first gave a statement to the FBI, Keswick approached Gersten's lawyers and indicated that he would change his story for $10,000.

Furthermore, a Miami-Dade police officer, J. L. Garcia -- who found Gersten's stolen car -- said he ran a police department computer check of the car's license plate, entering this: YBI99I. However, when Gersten reported his car stolen to Coral Gables Police, he gave them the plate number JLW3OY, which was the correct plate number.

"Thus, Garcia's report that he was able to identify Gersten's stolen car through a computer check cannot be true. It is not plausible that he entered the number YBI99I into the computer and learned that this was Gersten's car, a car that had been correctly reported as having the JLW3OY tag," the committee report noted.

The report noted that even some state prosecutors on the case seemed to be unduly biased against Gersten throughout the investigation.

"For example, prior to a Feb. 3, 1993, article in The Miami Herald, Michael Band of the State Attorney's Office made the following on-the-record statement: 'As far as I'm concerned, Keswick is still a potential defendant for the theft of Gersten's car,'" the report said. "Band could not, however, have been oblivious to the fact that more than six months earlier his colleague Mary Cagle had closed the auto theft case against Keswick."

The committee report pointed out that Band's personal feelings about Gersten were most apparent in a statement he made in 1994: "Frankly, I think Dade County is a lot cleaner and prettier place without him."

"This type of statement, which certainly indicates a personal bias against Gersten, is consistent with the numerous failures to follow leads exculpatory to Gersten," the report said.

Conclusive evidence of misconduct?

"Joseph Gersten was a very successful politician. He was, however, also very abrasive. He generated strong passions and he had his share of detractors and enemies," said the committee report.

However, if there was a personal bias against Gersten -- as it appears there was, the report says -- "and this led to selective use of information to harm him, such conduct should not be condoned.

"The public is already too cynical when it comes to law enforcement. Although exposing this type of conduct does not restore confidence, it does at least show that when the government acts inappropriately, and that conduct is identified, it will not go unremarked and unpunished," the report said.

If government officials abused their positions to destroy one man, there is a responsibility to right that wrong and to ensure that others do not suffer the same fate, the committee said.

"In a prospective sense, it is important that the same abuses are not allowed to occur again. In a retrospective sense, one can only wonder if others were similarly harmed. … It should be the goal of government to ensure that everyone is treated fairly by the government."

Jon E. Dougherty is a staff reporter and columnist for WorldNetDaily, and author of the special report, "Election 2000: How the Military Vote Was Suppressed."