Constitution Killers
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By
George Neumayr
Published 3/3/2005 1:09:11 AM

The Supreme Court's judicial activists are cutting off the branch on which they sit. By rejecting the law and putting their personal opinions in its place, the justices invite the people to imitate them and disregard their decrees with the same willfulness they disregard the Constitution. If Anthony Kennedy isn't bound by the framers' words, why are the people bound by his?

The authority of Supreme Court justices derives from the authority of the Constitution: once they deny its authority, they deny their own. The
Roper v. Simmons decision is a stunningly stark illustration of this despotism that masquerades as jurisprudence. Despotism is not an overwrought description here: we are dealing with a lawless court, judges who obey no law save their own will. Yes, they invoke a living Constitution, but that just means the real Constitution lies dead at their feet, having been trampled beneath a juggernaut of false progress.

The Supreme Court has been holding a de facto constitutional convention for decades, ripping up the old one and writing a new one without the consent of the people. A fitting punishment for this act of hubris will come when the chaos that their own example of lawlessness has set in motion consumes them in impeachment trials or worse.

The justices conceal their despotism in rhetoric and flat-out lying. As Antonin Scalia demonstrated in his dissenting opinion, the "national consensus" that the justices cite to justify the decision doesn't exist. Kennedy and company did a shoddy job of lining up this lie, first inventing a national consensus against executing 17-year olds, then conceding that it doesn't exist by whining about America's refusal to ratify international treaties that forbid the practice.

As the Supreme Court writes a new constitution, the justices are using as their co-authors foreigners not Americans. This now routine reliance on foreign fashions illustrates their alienation from and distrust of the American people. In citing the "overwhelming weight of international opinion" in the Roper decision, the justices are in effect saying to the American people: we are right, you are wrong; since you won't support our boutique views, we will look abroad for support.

The justices spoke of "evolving standards of decency," which means evolving standards of indecency. And they speak about these standards as if they are just reporting their existence rather than pushing them into existence through judicial decree. The judges are not neutral reporters of fact but agents of activism, full of elitist disdain at the American people for not changing the standards themselves.

"Evolving standards of decency" in the world that the justices inhabit doesn't mean children aren't killed. It just means they have a better chance of surviving if they are guilty and dangerous. The resources the elite won't spend on unborn children they will lavish upon teenage monsters. Through some perverse inversion of values -- impossible to outline scientifically given the off-the-wall willfulness of liberalism -- unborn children can be killed according to the liberal elite's most crass utilitarian calculus imaginable while a 17-year-old menace is cosseted like a baby.

The same judges who infantilize teen murderers encourage parents and schools to furnish teens with condoms, and should those condoms fail parents, according to judges, should let their teens, as responsible young people with searching consciences, decide on their own whether to apply evolving standards of decency to unwanted children growing within them during visits to their local Planned Parenthood.

Nor is the posture of casting teens as innocent waifs one the justices ever strike in censorship cases. Indeed, a teens-know-best attitude runs through much of the Rousseauian Enlightenment thinking of the Court. From designing their own curriculum at New Age high schools to ruminating over the contraceptive menus supplied to them by administrators, teens operate like adults in the evolved culture that the Court seeks to spread.

The Court's conveniently patronizing description of 17-year-olds in the Roper decision would have been news to Americans at the time of the Constitution's ratification: for them, many of whom didn't live to be 40, 17 was practically middle age. Since the justices maintain the practice of never consulting for the meaning of the Constitution the framers who actually wrote it, they made sure not to include in Roper the number of 17-year-old murderers executed at the time of the country's founding. The Supreme Court has zero interest in the America of the founders, indeed looks longingly to the Europe that the framers left for co-authorship in forming a new Constitution to supplant the framers' one. What Anthony Kennedy calls cultural evolution looks more like regression -- a return to the tyrannies of Enlightenment Europe.


George Neumayr is executive editor of The American Spectator.

Copyright 2005, The American Spectator

The new age Supreme Court

townhall.com
David Limbaugh

March 4, 2005

The Supreme Court's decision barring execution of murderers who commit their crime before age 18 as cruel and unusual punishment is not only fundamentally flawed, but also deeply troubling -- for more than just a few reasons.

 In its 5-4 decision on March 1, the Court decreed that "Juveniles are less mature than adults and, no matter how heinous their crimes, they are not among 'the worst offenders' who deserve to die."

 While I certainly respect that opinion, I strongly object to the United States Supreme Court presuming to impose it on our entire society as if it is the final arbiter not just of the law, but our moral standards.

 Adding insult to injury, the Court doesn't even deny its staggering presumptuousness. In the words of the ever-disappointing Justice Kennedy, writing for the majority, "To implement this framework we have established the propriety and affirmed the necessity of referring to 'the evolving standards of decency that mark the progress of a maturing society' to determine which punishments are so disproportionate as to be cruel and unusual."

 How much more explicit could the Court be in affirming the shifting, baseless standards of moral relativism? Quite a far cry, is it not, from a Constitutional and legal system grounded in the absolute standards emanating from the Judeo-Christian ethic?

 Forget the merits of the Court's position in light of the rampant licentiousness that pervades our postmodern era. Such questions can be debated. But are you comfortable with the highest court of the land issuing a binding pronouncement that we have evolving standards of decency?

 What business is it of the Court's to make such broad sweeping determinations having nothing whatever to do with law? Besides, I thought liberals objected to the "legislation" of morality, which is precisely what is involved here. The Court, in its colossal arrogance, is rejecting the biblical view of the inherent depravity of human nature in favor of the humanistic, New Age precept that humankind is progressing on a linear path to enlightenment.

 As if its endorsement of moral relativism were not enough, the Court went on to misapply its own guidelines in interpreting what society's "evolving" moral standards happen to be at this time. As Justice Scalia noted in his dissent, these societal standards are to be gleaned by reference to a national consensus, which in turn is to be determined by an objective standard: the statutes passed by society's elected representatives.

 But for the Court to overturn its own precedents, such as the ones allowing execution in these cases, it must find not just a national consensus against the practice, but an overwhelming one. Instead, the evidence showed that only 18 of the 38 states that allow capital punishment have outlawed such executions -- hardly a consensus, much less an overwhelming one. Indeed, if an overwhelming national consensus has in fact emerged, why has the Court decided to preempt juries -- who presumably embody that consensus -- in these cases?

 What it boils down to is that the Court substituted its own judgment for that of the people. In so doing, the Court, as Justice Scalia also cogently demonstrated, cherry-picked the evidence and ignored that contrary to its desired findings.

 As just one example, the Court accepted the American Psychological Association's (APA) claim that "scientific evidence shows persons under 18 lack the ability to take moral responsibility for their decisions." But this same APA made a completely contradictory claim in a case previously considered by the Court, in which it argued that there is a "rich body of research" proving that juveniles are capable of deciding whether to get an abortion without parental advice.

 Regardless, I would much rather juries in our local communities making these determinations than five of nine self-appointed black-robed moral arbiters, especially considering that under current law, juries are required to take into account the murderer's age as a mitigating factor. If local juries can be entrusted with determining whether such children should be convicted of murder, why can't they decide whether they should be executed?

 There is at least an additional column's worth of other problems with the Court's decision, such as its obscene, arbitrary and opportunistically convenient reference to foreign standards, and its misanalysis of the deterrence argument. I also note the incredible irony of the Court -- in the process of proclaiming itself the final moral arbiter -- undermining its own authority in rewarding, instead of reprimanding, the Missouri Supreme Court for flagrantly ignoring its (the United States Supreme Court's) precedents.

 The Court's disturbing decision underscores the growing relevance and urgency of my friend Mark Levin's "Men In Black," which I respectfully urge you again to purchase.

David Limbaugh is a syndicated columnist who blogs at DavidLimbaugh.com

©2005 Creators Syndicate, Inc.

Contact David Limbaugh | Read Limbaugh's biography

The Supreme Court's decision barring execution of murderers who commit their crime before age 18 as cruel and unusual punishment is not only fundamentally flawed, but also deeply troubling -- for more than just a few reasons. In its 5-4 decision on March 1, the Court decreed that "Juveniles are less mature than adults and, no matter how heinous their crimes, they are not among 'the worst offenders' who deserve to die."

Comments:

Reply 1 - Posted by: luckydog, 3/4/2005 1:52:40 AM

Makes perfect sence to me.
We cannot, no matter how terrible and evil their crimes, execute murderers if they are smart enough to commit their crimes before their 18th birthday.
Yet, women have the constitutional right to murder their child in the womb AT ANY TIME for any reason!
Is this who we want telling us how this nation will conduct it's business?
Are these corrupt judges going to lead this nation or will we stand them down?
Your representatives in Congress have the means to deal with these rogue judges. However, the political wimps of both parties will not move or speak unless they hear from enough of us.


Reply 2 - Posted by: wk, 3/4/2005 2:02:34 AM


Cruel and unusual murderers deserve cruel and unusual punishment. Nuff said.


Reply 3 - Posted by: gloria, 3/4/2005 2:46:00 AM

This court is going to be the reason a wholesale, earthshaking change in the Supreme Court will take place. Term limits for justices. This will have to be ratified by 2/3 of the States, since it will necessitate a change in the Constitution, but their decisions are riling the citizens and it is entirely possible. We natives are getting restless!


Reply 4 - Posted by: Melody, 3/4/2005 3:11:15 AM

The court defers to what they called ''the evolving standards of decency that mark the progress of a maturing society.'' They're not talking about evolution but devolution. As Mr. Limbaugh so aptly states, ''Quite a far cry, is it not, from a Constitutional and legal system grounded in the absolute standards emanating from the Judeo-Christian ethic?''

Our Founder Fathers had it right. There's nothing quite like the ignorance it takes to cut out the ground on which one is standing.

I am grateful to the Lord for giving us a David Limbaugh to so succinctly speak these truths.


Reply 5 - Posted by: reddog, 3/4/2005 3:15:06 AM

#3, I agree that the Pubbies need to cobble together enough courage to limit the terms of these senile old fossils at the least. It is far better to put some sane limits on their jurisdiction. It will happen eventually, one way or another. At present, there is no aspect of American life into which these demigod wannabes can't and won't intrude.


Reply 6 - Posted by: Ida Lil, 3/4/2005 3:39:10 AM

In an age where juvenelles were not subjected to every kind of desensitising action possible juvs didn't commit many crimes that merited a death sentence.
No matter how angry we are there is still something sorrowful about watching a 13 year old tried as an adult especialy when they have been taught no values or morals.
Time was when we removed children from depraved homes. Now we don't even have enough courage to impose morality on their parents .


Reply 7 - Posted by: wrw90, 3/4/2005 4:54:10 AM

It's hard to disagree with David on anything, but I do have one nitpick.

He falls into agreement with Scalia on the logic of counting only the 18 states that have outlawed juvenile executions of 38 states allowing capital punishment as hardly indicative of a consensus.

In truth, 30 of the 50 states (60%) do not allow capital punishment of juveniles. It is irrelevant whether or not they allow capital punishment of others.

The 60% figure tells us that there is a growing trend against capital punishment in this country. That's a fact, and Scalia's manipulating of state statistics won't change it.

Limbaugh's other indictments of the SCOTUS decision by the loopy liberal majority are right on target.

Five Justices Shred Constitution To Protect Cold-Blooded Killers


by Terence P. Jeffrey
Posted Mar 4, 2005

According to the new interpretation of the Bill of Rights approved by five Supreme Court justices this week, if an al Qaeda terrorist who was 17-years-and-364-days old detonated a dirty bomb in a U.S. city, murdering hundreds of thousands of Americans, no state could execute him.

That is because executing any killer under 18--no matter how cold-blooded his crime--would violate America's "evolving standards of decency" and thus is prohibited by the 8th Amendment, which bars "cruel and unusual punishment."

So said Justice Anthony Kennedy in Roper v. Simmons, an opinion that Justices John Paul Stevens and David Souter joined, and in which Stephen Breyer and Ruth Bader Ginsburg enthusiastically concurred.

Forget the governors and legislatures of 50 states. Forget voters. And forget that for 214 years no Supreme Court ever claimed that the 8th Amendment barred the execution of cold-blooded killers who happen to be less than 18 years of age.

The five-person, un-elected tribunal that now runs our Republic has spoken.

Most alarmingly, these tribunes are not claiming to have discovered something in the Constitution that went unnoticed for two centuries. They are claiming the Constitution itself has changed in the last 16 years--not because state legislatures ratified an amendment, but because some justices have changed their personal perceptions of what the Constitution ought to mean.

In other words: The evolving personal opinion of Anthony Kennedy when it coincides with the personal opinions of at least four other justices is now our Constitution.

In 1989, Kennedy writes in his opinion, the court "concluded the 8th Amendment and 14th Amendment [which enforces the 8th Amendment on the states] did not proscribe the execution of juvenile offenders over 15 but under 18."

Furthermore, Kennedy conceded: "A plurality of the court also 'emphatically rejected' the suggestion that the court should bring its own judgment to bear on the acceptability of the juvenile death penalty."

Kennedy himself joined the majority in that 1989 opinion, which was written by Justice Antonin Scalia. He also joined the plurality that "emphatically rejected" the suggestion that justices could substitute their personal judgment for the judgments of state legislatures and juries on the question of the juvenile death penalty. Since then, however, Kennedy has evolved--and he insists the Constitution must evolve with him.

In the decision, Kennedy declared: "[W]e have established the propriety and affirmed the necessity of referring to 'the evolving standards of decency that mark the progress of a maturing society' to determine which punishments are so disproportionate as to be cruel and unusual."

That left it to the five tribunes merely to establish that current American standards of decency deem it unacceptable under any circumstances to execute a 17-year-old killer.

The particular killer in this case was not a terrorist with a dirty bomb, but 17-year-old who tried to convince two younger friends they could get away with murder because they were minors. He then kidnapped a lady, bound her to a chair, threw her off a bridge into a river and bragged about it.

So: Had American standards of decency become so rarified they would not countenance executing this monster--let alone a 17-year-old terrorist with a dirty bomb?

Here the court hit an obvious logical obstacle: Twenty states allow juries to impose death sentences on juveniles in certain circumstances, just as a Missouri jury imposed a death sentence in this circumstance.

Missourians, apparently, have not evolved as quickly as Anthony Kennedy.

So, Kennedy, showing total contempt for the ideas of President Reagan who appointed him, wrote: "We then must determine, in the exercise of our own independent judgment, whether the death penalty is a disproportionate punishment for juveniles."

He, Stevens, Souter, Ginsburg and Breyer determined it was. Thus, in effect, acting as legislators, they amended the Constitution to protect a class of cold-blooded killers.

And having not found sufficient affirmation for their peculiar sense of "decency" from domestic sources, the tribunes turned to foreign sources. "Article 37 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, which every country in the world has ratified save for the United States and Somalia," wrote Kennedy, "contains an express prohibition on capital punishment for crimes committed by juveniles under 18."

What does this mean for representative government in America? Nobody put it better than the man who should be our next chief justice. "The court thus proclaims itself sole arbiter of our nation's moral standards--and in the course of discharging that awesome responsibility purports to take guidance from the views of foreign courts and legislatures,"
wrote Scalia. "Because I do not believe that the meaning of our 8th Amendment, any more than the meaning of other provisions of the Constitution, should be determined by five members of this court and like-minded foreigners, I dissent."


Copyright © 2004 HUMAN EVENTS. All Rights Reserved.

A Government of Men: Justice Kennedy changes his mind. Amazingly, he found that the Constitution changed with him.


by John Hinderaker
03/07/2005 12:00:00 AM

ON MARCH 1, 2005, in a case titled Roper v. Simmons, the United States Supreme Court held, by a five to four majority, that the Eighth Amendment's proscription of "cruel and unusual punishments" bars imposition of the death penalty on those aged between 15 and 17 years at the time they commit a capital crime. The crime that gave rise to the Court's ruling was summarized in Justice Anthony Kennedy's majority opinion:

At the age of 17 . . . Christopher Simmons, the respondent here, committed murder. . . . Before its commission Simmons said he wanted to murder someone. In chilling, callous terms he talked about his plan. . . . Simmons proposed to commit burglary and murder by breaking and entering, tying up a victim, and throwing the victim off a bridge. Simmons assured his friends they could "get away with it" because they were minors.

Simmons and an accomplice carried out the crime just as he had envisioned it. They threw a woman named Shirley Cook off a railroad trestle, securely bound so that she drowned in the river below.

The most controversial aspect of the Roper decision has been its reliance on foreign law. In recent years, the Court has, on several occasions, bolstered its opinions by arguing that its conclusions are consistent with public opinion in countries other than the United States. This form of reasoning, which has no apparent basis in our Constitution or statutes, seems to have come to full fruition in Roper.

Justice Kennedy tried to articulate

a rationale for referring to the laws of other countries. It is not unfair to say, however, that his attempted rationale consists of nothing but fine words, which contain no explanation of how, why, and when the opinions of non-Americans become relevant to our Constitutional jurisprudence:

It is proper that we acknowledge the overwhelming weight of international opinion against the juvenile death penalty, resting in large part on the understanding that the instability and emotional imbalance of young people may often be a factor in the crime.

Kennedy continues:

The opinion of the world community, while not controlling the outcome, does provide respected and significant confirmation for our own conclusions.

He concludes:

It does not lessen our fidelity to the Constitution or our pride in its origins to acknowledge that the express affirmations of certain fundamental rights by other nations and peoples simply underscores the centrality of those same rights within our own heritage of freedom.

Which raises two questions: Isn't weighing the "instability and emotional imbalance of young people" exactly the kind of thing that legislatures--the peoples' elected representatives--are supposed to do? And why, if the Court's conclusions are based on the Constitution and laws of the United States, is "the opinion of the world community" a factor in the Court's conclusion?

It does "lessen [the Court's] fidelity to the Constitution" when the Court gives the actions of foreign governments priority over the text of the Constitution, the laws enacted, in this case, by the legislatures of 20 states, and the clearly expressed preferences of the majority of Americans. With all due respect to the Court's majority, there is simply no coherent rationale for counting the "enlightened" opinion of foreign governments as a factor in Constitutional jurisprudence.

ONE OBVIOUS PROBLEM with the Court's endorsement of a standard as vague as "international opinion" is that there is no way to know when that standard will be deemed relevant. As Justice Scalia noted in his dissent, American law, including Constitutional law, is in a distinct minority on many issues. For example, the United States is one of only six countries that permit abortion on demand up to the point of viability. Why isn't international opinion on abortion as pertinent as international opinion on the death penalty?

In reality, of course, the "international opinion" standard is appealing to some justices precisely because it gives them unfettered discretion to pick and choose the "opinions" that should influence American law. At the end of the day, the opinions the justices are really deferring to are their own. The new standard of "international opinion" is just one more vehicle that allows Supreme Court justices to make up the law as they go along.

BUT ROPER is troubling for reasons that go well beyond the majority's reliance on foreign opinion and practice. Just 16 years ago, in Stanford v. Kentucky, a different 5-to-4 majority held that it did not violate the 8th Amendment to execute juveniles aged 16 to 17. Roper overruled Stanford in what can only be seen as a naked flip-flop. In Roper, Justice Kennedy argued that the juvenile death penalty has become more "unusual" since 1989 because in the intervening years five states have switched from allowing to prohibiting the execution of juvenile offenders. But it is frankly absurd to argue that a practice that is approved by the legislatures and courts of 20 states is "unusual" within the meaning of the 8th Amendment. The fact that some states make a policy decision against juvenile execution through legislative enactment hardly implies that such a policy decision is Constitutionally mandated.

IN REALITY, the difference between Stanford and Roper does not lie in the number of states that, at the relevant time, permitted the execution of juveniles--25 versus 20--but rather in the composition of the Supreme Court itself. What made the difference in the outcome was that Justice Kennedy changed his mind. In 1989 he voted with the majority, holding that execution of juveniles was not Constitutionally prohibited. Last week, he voted the opposite way. The Constitution didn't change; Anthony Kennedy did.

Soon there will be a vacancy on the Supreme Court; President Bush will nominate a new chief justice. Among other things, Senate Democrats will likely demand that the nominee pledge fealty to stare decisis--the legal doctrine holding that with rare exceptions, issues once decided should stay decided--as it relates to Roe v. Wade. No Democrat will complain about the abandonment of stare decisis in Roper. That doctrine has been consigned, apparently, to the ever-growing list of principles that can only be understood as one-way streets.

It is often said that our government is one of laws, not of men. The Roper decision shows how far we have abandoned that vital principle. Indeed, in a sense we have turned it on its head. The Founders envisioned the judicial branch as the guarantor that we would have a government of laws; they saw the judiciary as a bulwark against the usurpation of authority by "men" in the other branches. See, for example, Hamilton's Federalist No. 78, where he wrote: "[T]hough individual oppression may now and then proceed from the courts of justice, the general liberty of the people can never be endangered from that quarter." The Founders failed to foresee, unfortunately, an era in which unelected, unaccountable judges ignore the written words of the Constitution and the laws, and impose their own policy preferences by fiat.

John Hinderaker is a contributor to the blog Power Line and a contributing writer to The Daily Standard.