An ominous Specter
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Jewish World Review
Nov. 9, 2004 / 25 Mar-Cheshvan, 5765Thomas Sowell
http://www.NewsAndOpinion.com | President Bush had barely finished celebrating his election victory when Senator Arlen Specter of Pennsylvania fired a shot across his bow, warning the President not to send judicial nominees before the Senate Judiciary Committee to be confirmed if they were the kinds of judges who might restrict the right to an abortion.
More is involved here than just one headstrong Senator with his own policy litmus test.
After more than half a century of escalating judicial activism judges imposing their own beliefs instead of applying the law our country is at a crossroads. There is an opportunity one that may not come again in this generation to make judicial appointments that will restore the rule of law.
The issue is not whether judges will impose liberal policies or conservative policies. The larger issue is whether they will destroy the voting public's control over their own destiny. Too many generations of Americans have fought and died to preserve the right of democratic self-governance to let judges continue to erode that right and become judicial dictators.
Expressions of outrage from many quarters have caused such an uproar over Senator Specter's statements that some have questioned whether he should become chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, as he would by seniority in January. These outcries have led the Senator to backpedal from his statements, no doubt to try to save his prospects of becoming committee chairman.
The real question is not what Senator Specter says now but what he would do as chairman of this key committee that judicial nominees pass before during the confirmation process. That committee has become a place for character assassination against judicial nominees who believe in adhering to the written law.
The key turning point was the nomination of Judge Robert Bork to the Supreme Court in 1987 and the massive smear campaign against him. No nominee to the Supreme Court was ever more qualified than Judge Bork but Senator Specter voted against him.
At one crucial point, Senator Pat Leahy took a cheap shot at Judge Bork by saying that he had earned large consulting fees in some years, when he was a law professor, as if that were something dishonorable. What was not revealed to the public was that those were years in which Professor Bork's wife was fatally ill and he needed that money to do all that he could for her.
Judge Bork was obviously deeply distressed by having that painful period in his personal life dragged into the political arena and his actions in those years twisted and distorted beyond recognition. When Judge Bork rested his head in his hands and covered his eyes, Judiciary Committee chairman Joseph Biden to his credit called a recess.
But, when it was proposed to end the hearings for the day, Senator Arlen Specter refused to agree. He wasn't prepared to wait to get his shots in against Judge Bork. Senator Specter's agenda was more important to him than common decency.
As the hearings went on, it became clear that Senator Specter's agenda was also more important to him than the Constitution's separation of powers, for the Senator was clearly judging Judge Bork not on his high qualifications but on whether or not he was likely to uphold policies that Senator Specter liked.
He demanded to know "where's the predictability in Judge Bork." He asked: "Where's the assurances for this committee and the Senate of where you'll be?"
Judges in general, and Justices of the Supreme court in particular, are supposed to be impartial and independent in judging the specific merits of whatever cases arise not predictable. What does the separation of powers mean if one branch of government can prescribe in advance what members of another branch of government must do on specific issues?
Then and now, Senator Specter has been one of those to whom what matters is not a judicial nominee's qualifications but how they are likely to vote on abortion, anti-trust laws, or whatever.
Senator Specter is also one of those people who is often wrong but never in doubt. He has mangled the meaning of such basic concepts as "judicial activism" and "original intent." It would be a tragedy for him to become chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, where he could mangle nominees and in the process mangle the Constitution of the United States.![]()
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© 2004, Creators Syndicate
An Ominous Specter -- Part II
by Thomas Sowell
Posted Nov 11, 2004The illness of Chief Justice William Rehnquist and the brazen announcement by Senator Arlen Specter of his own policy litmus test for judicial nominees raise very serious questions about which way this country will go at this crossroads in our legal history.
The South Dakota voters' defeat of Senator Tom Daschle, leader of the obstructionists who refused to let some of President Bush's judicial nominees come up for a vote in the Senate, seemed to offer some hope that such obstructionism might subside. But Senator Specter's words suggest that the mantle of obstructionism may simply have been passed on from Daschle to Specter.
If Senate Republicans follow seniority and make Senator Specter chairman of the Senate Judiciary, then we could be in for the dangerous business of litmus tests for judicial nominees and the trashing of nominees who believe in following the original intent of laws, rather than engaging in judicial activism.
First of all, what do such terms as "litmus test," "judicial activism" and "original intent" mean in plain English?
The Senate has the Constitutional duty to "advise and consent" on the President's choice of judicial nominees. For well over a century, that meant that Senators decided whether a particular nominee was qualified to be a federal judge or a Justice of the Supreme Court.
For a long time, Supreme Court nominees did not even appear in person to be questioned by Senators. Their record was public knowledge and they could be confirmed or not confirmed on that basis.
Under these conditions, the question of how they would vote on specific issues that might come before them did not arise. There could not be any litmus test based on whether they were for or against particular policies favored by particular Senators.
That has of course all changed in more recent times. Those who remember the circus atmosphere and smear campaigns during the nominations of Judge Robert Bork in 1987 and of Judge Clarence Thomas in 1991 will be painfully aware of how much things have changed.
Today, some Senators want to know how judicial nominees would vote on specific issues like abortion, racial quotas, or environmental regulations. Senators cannot admit that they want to preselect judges who will rule their way, since that would destroy the independence of the judiciary under the Constitutional separation of powers. But they ask questions that amount to the same thing.
President Bush has said repeatedly that he has no litmus test on any issue but that he wants judges who will apply the law instead of imposing their own policy preferences. But people like Senator Arlen Specter want judges who support particular policies.
That is what judicial activism means. The opposite judicial philosophy involves following what is called the "original intent" of the law.
Senator Specter and other liberals muddy the waters by claiming that nobody knows what the original intent was among those who wrote the Constitution or even later legislation. This is a completely phony issue and a red herring.
Leading legal scholars from William Blackstone in the 18th century to Oliver Wendell Holmes in the 19th century to Robert Bork in the 20th century have made it clear beyond any honest misunderstanding that they do not mean that those who interpret laws today should try to read the minds of those who wrote those laws.
Even if it were possible to know what was in the inner thoughts of people in the past, it would be completely irrelevant because nobody voted on what was inside their minds. They voted on what the words themselves meant at the time they were written.
Phrases like "due process" and "freedom of the press" had a long established meaning in British law even before they were put into the Constitution of the United States. If we want to change the Constitution, there is a process for amending it, without having unelected judges doing the amending for us.
Anyone who doesn't understand this should not be chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee and a roadblock to restoring Constitutional law in America.Copyright © 2004 HUMAN EVENTS. All Rights Reserved.