Al Gore's Criminal Activities, Page 2

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Tainted funds linked to Gore Took contributions from execs with ties to organized crime

August 13, 2001
By PETER URBAN

purban@ctpost.com

WASHINGTON -- Democratic Presidential candidate Al Gore accepted campaign contributions from executives of a Connecticut business allegedly tied to organized crime and the federal corruption investigation in Waterbury.

Executives of Worth Construction Co. donated $4,000 to the Gore campaign on Feb. 19, 1999 -- a week after the Senate voted to acquit President Clinton in his impeachment trial.

Worth President Joseph Pontoriero gave $1,000, as did his son, Michael, and two other executives of the Bethel firm. Pontoriero was listed as an unindicted co-conspirator in the 1987 trial of Genovese crime-family don Anthony Fat Tony Salerno.

Worth Construction, whose offices were reportedly searched as part of an FBI probe of Waterbury City Hall, was banned in 1998 from bidding on school construction jobs in New York City because of Pontoriero's alleged mob ties.

Company officials have declined to speak to reporters.

Pontoriero's contribution to Gore 2000 was obscured by incomplete and inaccurate documentation submitted by Gore campaign treasurer Jose Villareal to the Federal Elections Commission.

Pontoriero's occupation was left blank on the form and his home address was erroneously listed as being in Bridgeport. The address is actually the home of another Joseph Pontoriero -- a school bus driver.

The Bridgeport resident told the Connecticut Post that he did not make the $1,000 contribution and had no knowledge of another Joseph Pontoriero living in Connecticut.

Villareal said that he had no idea how the mistaken address appeared on the FEC report. He referred the Connecticut Post to Eric Kleinfeld, an elections attorney working for the Gore campaign. Kleinfeld did not respond to a request for an interview.

Larry Makinson, a senior fellow at the Center for Responsive Politics, said that he has never heard of a similar disclosure snafu.

I feel sorry for the bus driver. He's going to be on every fund-raiser's mailing list now, Makinson said.

It is not unusual, Makinson said, for a campaign to fail to fully disclose the home address and occupation of donors that give at least $200.

According to the Center for Responsive Politics, the Gore campaign provided incomplete information on 18.2 percent of its contributors. By comparison, the CRP's analysis shows that Bush had missing information from 12.4 percent of his contributors.

Pontoriero, who made the campaign contribution, is hardly a humble school bus driver, but rather a wealthy Greenwich executive with a passion for Ferrari racing cars.

Pontoriero and his son, Michael, appear to live in an exclusive waterfront enclave of 33 homes where a 14,000-square-foot house on 6 acres sold for more than $20.7 million in 1999.

The two are also members of the Northeast Region of the Ferrari Owners Club and participate in the Ferrari Challenge racing circuit, according to regional director Jamie Ross. The club's Web site lists the Pontorieros as its relaxation chairmen.

Business documents filed with the Connecticut Secretary of the State list Pontoriero's mailing address as 136 Field Point Circle. His son, Michael Pontoriero, is listed as a trustee of the property and receives the property tax bills, according to the Greenwich Assessors office.

The Gore campaign listed no occupation for Michael Pontoriero and gave his home address as 37 Revere Place in Ridgefield.

The FEC document did disclose the occupation and residence of the two Worth executives -- Diana L. Vossen (construction manager) of Danbury and William Dizenzo (senior vice president) of Trumbull -- but Pontoriero's occupation was left blank.

The FBI is examining records involving a $94 million upgrade to Waterbury's sewage-treatment plant that was overseen by Worth Construction.

Worth, which was founded in 1978, has been barred since April 1998 by New York City's School Construction Authority from ever bidding on school projects in New York.

They were subjects of an investigation of criminal connections that were between the president of the company and several organized crime figures, said Daniel McCormack, a spokesman for the construction authority.

Worth was disqualified from bidding on New York school jobs after Pontoriero refused to answer any questions from authorities about his alleged association with gangsters.

At Salerno's 1987 trial, an FBI agent testified that a hidden microphone recorded a conversation between Pontoriero and Salerno at Salerno's Palma Boys Social Club in East Harlem, N.Y. The 1985 conversation was reported to be about FBI surveillance.

Pontoriero's name appeared on a list of 172 unindicted co-conspirators that prosecutors presented to prospective jurors.

Worth was also under investigation in 1997 by the New Jersey Attorney General to determine if it was run by organized crime. In 1996, the company, which had won a $154 million contract to build the Atlantic City convention center, was forced to drop two subcontractors because of their alleged ties to organized crime. One of the companies was run by Richard Gotti, brother of former New York mob boss John Gotti, according to a report in The Record in Bergen County, N.J.

Worth Construction also surfaced in a 1998 federal indictment of Gotti's son, John Junior Gotti and 22 mob associates. Gotti associate Vincent Zollo was accused of skimming money while working as a subcontractor for Worth on a project at Public School 43.

©1999-2001 MediaNews Group, Inc. All rights to republication are reserved.
Connecticut Post incorporates The Bridgeport Post,
The Telegram and The Valley Sentinel

Why Gore lost Tennessee

ELECTION 2000, Day 29

Tuesday, December 5, 2000
By Charles C. Thompson II and Tony Hays

Tennessee cops, media credit Al's defeat in home state to WND investigative series

© 2000 WorldNetDaily.com

SAVANNAH, Tenn. -- Vice President Al Gore is tortured by the fact that he lost Tennessee, say friends. After all, had he won his home state -- the state he represented all his years in Congress -- he would now be President-elect Gore, with or without Florida.

"I know that's one thing bothering him the most, that he lost Tennessee," said close friend Steve Armistead, who spent his summers with Gore while growing up in Tennessee, according to a New York Times report. "The other night he asked me, 'What happened in Tennessee?'"

Although the media have accurately reported that Tennessee's 11 electoral votes would have put Gore at 271 and thereby made him the next president of the United States, most have missed the reason Gore suffered his first-ever defeat in Tennessee.

Indeed, 24 years ago in his first run for Congress, Gore won an overwhelming 94 percent of the vote. His dominance was such that he ran unopposed for his next two House terms. And when he ran for his second term in the Senate a decade ago, Gore became the first statewide candidate in Tennessee's history to take all 95 counties.

So why did Gore lose Tennessee on Nov. 7 -- the first time a presidential candidate has failed to win his own state since George McGovern lost his native South Dakota in 1972?

The usual press analysis is that Tennessee's demographics have changed, sending the once-Democratic stronghold tipping to the Republican Party. Sen. Fred Thompson and Gov. Don Sundquist have echoed this idea, while Rep. Bill Jenkins, from historically Republican upper east Tennessee, noted in an Associated Press report that "Tennessee didn't leave Gore. Gore left Tennessee." He pointed to Gore's changing stance on gun control and abortion as bellwethers.

Yet, while these issues may have played a role, the answer is far more fundamental than that.

"It was the character issue," says popular Nashville radio talk host Phil Valentine. "Thanks to talk radio and sources like WorldNetDaily getting out the truth, I believe it tipped the state to Bush."

Valentine initially broke a story on Gore's ties to alleged criminal figures in Wilson County, Tenn., next door to Gore's home county. Shortly after that, WorldNetDaily ran a series of investigative reports detailing Gore's involvement in and interference with criminal investigations linked to his uncle, retired judge Whit LaFon and top campaign fundraisers like Clark Jones, of Savannah, Tenn. According to Valentine, it was stories like those that spelled Gore's defeat.

"They [the stories] stayed under the radar nationally," he said, "but around here they were on everyone's lips."

Charlotte Alexander, editor of the Decatur County Chronicle in Parsons, Tenn., agrees.

"Absolutely, it was the integrity issue," she affirms. Alexander's paper ran the WorldNetDaily series of articles profiling Gore's seamy political dealings in Tennessee.

"We sold out of every edition that carried those stories. People literally drove in from hundreds of miles away to buy 25, 50, 100 copies, whatever they could afford, to take back with them," she said. "We had well-known Democrats come in here after reading those stories and say out loud that they couldn't be associated with somebody that behaved as Gore had." Alexander even had additional copies printed, but the public soon gobbled those up as well.

"Those [WorldNetDaily] stories coming out about Gore involving himself in criminal investigations were just too much," says former Tennessee Bureau of Investigation agent Milton Bowling. "I'm a Democrat, but I couldn't get past that. I know plenty of people who felt the same way. It was never a matter of party in Tennessee; it was always about character and integrity. Gore flunked that test."

The WND articles clearly had a major impact in Tennessee's legal community, especially those reports dealing with Gore's ties to Tennessee Bureau of Investigation Director Larry Wallace. According to former TBI director and now District Attorney General John Carney, at a recent meeting of the Tennessee District Attorney Generals Conference, the articles were widely discussed, yet only one DAG took issue with them, and that was longtime Wallace friend and Gore supporter Gus Radford of the 24th Judicial District.

"Gus was the only one trying to undermine them [the WND articles]," said Carney. Carney is now looking beyond the election toward bringing reform to the Tennessee law enforcement community after eight long years of Clinton-Gore influence. "Something needed to be done," Carney said flatly. "That's the message that went out in the communities. It's time this mess got cleaned up."

Is Tennessee turning Republican? Not really. Tennesseans have been conservative politically for decades. Since 1968, Tennessee has been a swing state in presidential politics, usually voting Republican, but giving its electoral votes to Democratic neighbors like Jimmy Carter in 1976 and Bill Clinton in 1996. The fallacy of the establishment media's argument -- that the state's political demographics have changed -- becomes clear upon examination of the way Tennesseans voted in their congressional races this year.

Historically, the mountainous regions of east Tennessee were staunchly Republican, while middle and west Tennessee were Democratic strongholds, with only Memphis holding a substantial Republican bloc. Any Republican candidate for state office had to come out of east Tennessee with a huge margin to overcome the Democratic totals in the western two-thirds of the state.

Despite Thompson's and Sundquist's claims to the contrary, the people of middle and west Tennessee have not changed their politics. In what was basically Gore's old congressional district, Democratic incumbent Bart Gordon trounced his Republican opponent, and outpolled Gore in every county including Gore's home county, Smith.

In Nashville, long a Democratic base, Rep. Bob Clement, son of a populist Democratic governor, outpolled the vice president by more than 28,000 votes. And Clement's district does not include all of the city.

But the 6th District was no exception. In upper and central west Tennessee, home of the 8th District, Democrat incumbent John Tanner carried every county against a credible opponent. In Madison County (Jackson, Tenn., and hometown of Gore's uncle, Whit LaFon), Tanner outpolled his party's standard-bearer by more than 8,000 votes. By the media's yardstick, Tanner, Gordon and Clement should have felt some of the same heat as Gore -- but not only did they win convincingly, they outpolled their party's presidential candidate in his home state.

Republican Rep. Ed Bryant and Rep. Van Hilleary hold seats that span historically Democratic counties, but in both cases, more than half of their victory margins came from the traditionally Republican territories in their districts. Moreover, Tennessee has a habit of returning incumbents, no matter the party.

Gore carried west Tennessee, but only marginally, and then only because of the Ford political machine in Shelby County (Memphis). The large African-American family has controlled Democratic politics in Memphis for decades, and Harold Ford Jr., who currently holds the congressional seat in that district, was Gore's choice to deliver the keynote speech at the Democratic National Convention. But even the Ford machine couldn't make up the losses Gore sustained in what should have been his strongholds, middle and west Tennessee. And it was voters in those two regions, observers say, that brought concerns about Gore's character and integrity to the ballot box with them.

The Gore campaign was evidently concerned about the influence of the WorldNetDaily stories early on. Doug Hattaway, one of Gore's primary campaign spokesmen, personally called media outlets across middle and west Tennessee in late September and early October, pleading with, and in some cases reportedly threatening, news directors to keep the stories off the air and out of print.

"Doug Hattaway called me," said freelance TV reporter Tommy Stafford. Stafford had produced a story for WMC-TV in Memphis on the Thompson-Hays articles in WorldNetDaily. "He hammered at me," said Stafford, "but I told him, 'Look, I interviewed these guys. They're credible.'" Hattaway then turned his attention to the news director at the Memphis station and the story was put on indefinite hold. "It was that kind of arrogance, plus the credibility issues, that beat Gore in Tennessee," said Stafford. "Political parties didn't have anything to do with it."

"It was an uphill battle against news sources like the Tennessean, who refused to tell the true story," said Valentine. "I think people began to question Gore's character and integrity here in Tennessee. I think the truth came back to bite Gore in Tennessee, and I find it ironic that, if Florida holds for Bush, it will be Tennessee that was Gore's downfall."

"Whether the mainstream media believed the WorldNetDaily stories were credible or not," said Alexander, "the voters did. I've never seen articles that attracted the kind of attention these did. They cost Gore the margin he needed in middle and west Tennessee. They cost Gore Tennessee's electoral votes. That's a fact."

Related stories:

Gore tied to 'Hillbilly Mafia'

Al Gore's Uncle Whit

Gore plays fixer to 'crooked' uncle

Officials say Gore killed drug probe

Gore rep tries to keep media off WND stories

Gore condoned Russian mafia?

Gore's, Talbott's Red Russian roots

Gore's WWI uncle AWOL

Lawsuit, violence rumors over WND stories

Al Gore protects local corruption?

CIA official: Gore compromised by secret past

Al Gore, polluter?

Experts fear Russia to blackmail Gore

Gore brings back $640 toilet seat

Gore book author withdraws support

Al framed councilman for newspaper scoop?

Gore protected military thieves?

Newspaper threatened over WND articles


Charles C. Thompson II is a network news veteran, both as a founding producer of ABC's "20/20" and as Mike Wallace's producer at CBS's "60 Minutes."

An experienced print journalist, Tony Hays' recent 20-part series on narcotics trafficking received an award from the Tennessee Press Association.

Ex-Aide to Bush Campaign Jailed

Bob's Note: This is a fine example of the mass media's news manipulation. This thief was working covertly for the AlGore campaign. She was a thief and co-workers of hers didn't trust her. However, she managed to manipulate her way into the GW Bush campaign for president. She then stole a copy of GW practicing debating strategy with a surrogate for AlGore. She mailed it to the AlGore campaign. Fortunately, the person she mailed it to in the Gore campaign realized what a huge risk the tape represented and turned it in to a legal authority. An internal investigation in the GW Bush campaign found her. That's the truth.

The Associated Press
Friday, Aug. 31, 2001; 11:03 a.m. EDT

AUSTIN, Texas –– A former aide to George W. Bush's campaign media adviser was sentenced Friday to one year in prison and fined $3,000 after she admitted stealing and mailing a Bush debate practice videotape to Al Gore's campaign.

Juanita Yvette Lozano, 31, said she was sorry her actions had drastically changed her life but did not apologize for committing mail fraud and perjury. She pleaded guilty in June.

"Every election will be a painful reminder as I will be only an observer in the process," she told the court, fighting back tears.

No date was immediately set for Lozano to report to prison and she left the courthouse after the sentencing.

U.S. District Judge Sam Sparks scolded Lozano for trying to disrupt the presidential election. "Our whole system of government depends on free elections," he said.

A lifelong Democrat, Lozano admitted during her plea hearing that in September 2000 she mailed the Bush videotape, strategy book and other papers to Gore adviser and former Rep. Tom Downey, D-N.Y., before the first presidential faceoff with the Texas governor. Downey turned the materials over to the FBI.

A former Bush campaign adviser said the tape showed the president getting frustrated – then a little agitated – under tough questioning in a practice debate.

© Copyright 2001 The Associated Press

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